Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]

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Part I, Hieratic Texts, ed. Gardiner; 31 texts on pp. Part II, Demotic Texts, ed. Thompson; 44 texts not numbered serially on pp. Milne; nos. Part IV, Coptic Texts, ed. Thompson; nos. Denkschrift Wien Cuvigny, A. Hussein and G.

Texts, vol. Reprint Amsterdam with addenda compiled by P. There is Demotic noted at nos. CG, AMH]. Bibliotheca Ekmania Courtois, L. Leschi, C. Perrat and C. Writing tablets from the Bloomberg excavations, —14 , ed. Die demotischen Mumienschilder im British Museum , ed. Demotica Bucharest Index includes the tablets. Baratte and B. Lille — Murcia Vetera 12 Nos. Pintaudi, P.

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Sijpesteijn et al. Mitteis and U. GO, all 4 vols. GO, see Chrest. Bruckner and R. Basel, Dietikon-Zurich — Cugusi, 3 vols. Florence and I and II, nos. Lille Pegasus Oriens I. Clarysse, G. Cohen, J. Quaegebeur and J. Hengstl with G. Testi e lessico nei papiri di cultura greca e latina. Forschungen zur antiken Sklaverei, Beiheft 1. In three parts: I, Nos.

Cahier de la Revue Biblique Reprint Florence with an appendix of material prepared by Arangio-Ruiz before his death. Neugebauer and H. Van Hoesen. Various editors. Documentazione papirologica , by D. XLIII Eos, Translations and commentary of 60 labor contracts and related texts. Translations of 90 guarantees and sureties nos.

Bingen, A. Tomsin, A. Bodson, J. Denooz, J. Dupont and E. Porten with J. Farber, C. Martin, G. Vittman, L. MacCoull, and S. Texts in English translation from various languages: Egyptian Hieratic, nos. A1—10; Aramaic, nos. B1—52; Egyptian Demotic, nos. C1—37; Greek, nos. D1—52; Coptic, nos. E1—20; Arabic, nos. F1—2; Latin, nos. Leipzig-Berlin , Photostatic copies of proofs of an unpublished third volume are to be found in some libraries. A reprint including texts from the projected third vol. Henrichs was published in Betz esp. See also below Suppl.

Cleveland American Philological Association, Philological Monograph Includes nos. Daniel and F. Martin with the assistance of R. Bagnall, A. Buchet, A. Deknudt, A. Delattre, P. Heilporn and H. Muhs, and S. Studia Demotica 7. Oates, R. Bagnall, S. Clackson, A. Sosin, T. Wilfong and K. Oates and J. Sijpesteijn, J. Oates and A. Vleeming and A. Editorial proposals of special difficulty or weight are referred to a board of Senior Editors, who advise the Editorial Board on the virtue of the submissions.

An extensive list of published Demotic texts compiled by E. There are also lists of monographic editions of papyri in vol. Clarysse and H. Verreth, with H. Proost, I. Uytterhoeven, K. Vandorpe, P. Peremans and E. SBWien An Adobe Acrobat. Now continued by K. Maresch and D. Calderini and S. Strasbach and B.

Louvain Dornseiff and B. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur Studien zur Epigraphik und Papyruskunde 1. Note W. Kretschmer and E. Supersedes O. Cervenka-Ehrenstrasser with J. Vienna —. MPER N. Published to date are Fasc. Heidelberg , repr. Wiesbaden —. To date, vol. Ludwig Reichert Verlag]. Preisigke, ed. Foraboschi in 4 pts. Milan — Ruozzi Sala. Wiesbaden — Brune, Wiesbaden Preisigke and E.

I, Phonology, vol. II Morphology, by F. Milan , University of Chicago, Oriental Institute. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization A 3rd ed. Sahidic Dialect, by B. Porta Linguarum Orientalium NS I, Accidence and Word-formation, pt. Ashmolean Museum]. Tabulae Palaeo-graphicae I. Cavallo and H. Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin Supplement I Textband, Bd.

Bibliothek des Buchwesens Munich , rp. Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft I. I Urkunden, Bd. II Literarische Papyri, Bd. III Text, pt. Stuttgart , , I Urkunden. II, 1 Literarische Papyri. II, 2 Juristische und Christliche Texte. Turner: 2nd ed. Oxford ; rev. Mainz —. American Society of Papyrologists. Published irregularly by the Society, —. Brussels —. Barcelona —. A publication of various articles, some concerned with Greek papyri.

Munich —. All volumes in print unless noted o. Opladen —. Koenen, R. Merkelbach, D. Hagedorn and R. Bonn —. Berlin and Leipzig — See also Stud. Amsterdam —, — , Zutphen — Bilabel, vol. I—II 1. Planned as a resumption of Schr. Leipzig — An approximately annual publication, issued irregularly, and miscellaneous in character. Willis This new instance of the Checklist is a work in progress.

CG] bgu;1 Full bibliographic record II, CG] bgu;2 III, CG] bgu;3 IV, Erster Teil: Der Text, ed. Zweiter Teil: Der Kommentar, by W. Graf von Uxkull-Gyllenband. Schubart and E. Viereck and F. Schubart and D. I, ; Pt. II, Munich-Leipzig Chang, J. Fournet, J. Gascou, A. Diels and W. Kalbfleisch and H. I, Epische und elegische Fragmente; Pt. II, Lyrische und dramatische Fragmente, ed. Schubart and U. Schmidt and W. I, Berlin — No papyri were ever assigned publication numbers III, ed. Heft 1, ; Heft 2, Unterricht Rea and P.

G No. Harrauer and S. Kaimio, M. Harrauer et alii. XII, Koptische Texte, ed. Messeri Savorelli. Jahrhundert, ed. G , ed. Edition and study of a Hieratic papyrus. La'da, Berlin Schentuleit and G. Vittmann, Berlin-New York XXX, L'archivio di Senouthios anystes e testi connessi, ed. Morelli, Berlin-New York ; separate fascicle of plates.

Hasitzka, Berlin-New York Berlin, Parsons, H. Maehler, F. Willis and K. Maresch and I. Barns and H. Reymond, including Greek Documents and Subscriptions, ed. A further text is published at SB I Babatha see P. Yadin p. Bilabel and A. Numbering continued in P. Pauline Epistles.

Plates, IV Plates. V and VI, Plates. Bonner with the collaboration of H. Berenike see O. Jarhhunderts v. Volumes in this series are published unbound. Texts are not numbered in serial fashion; each has only its inventory number and the text; translation and commentary for each is numbered separately. There is a photograph for each text. With supplement, chaps. New edition, ed. Martin and J. With photographic reproduction of complete text of chaps.

Martin and R. Kasser and M. Kasser with the collaboration of C. Carlini, Museum Helveticum 32 33— Turner, Museum Helveticum 33 1— Hurst, O. Reverdin, J. Rudhardt, with an appendix by R. Kasser and G. Cavallo describing and dating the "Codex des Visions. Carlini with collaboration of L. Giaccone, and with an appendix by R. Kasser, G. Cavallo and J. XLV et P. XLVI," ed. Carlini and A. Citi, Museum Helveticum 38 81— Hurst, Museum Helveticum 47 30— Hurst, Museum Helveticum 43 — L, "Papyrus Bodmer L.

Thiede, Museum Helveticum 47 35— LI, "P. Bodmer recto LI: esercizio di divisione sillabica", ed. Bitonto Kasser, Museum Helveticum 55 — LII, "P. Schubert, Museum Helveticum 54 97— Published here are inventory nos. There are plates of all or parts of all. There is an additional plate of inv. Part 2 has never been published. Published texts in vol. IV are numbered sequentially Cat. The indexes, however, give inventory number references.

There is a concordance of inventory numbers with publication numbers on p. In addition there is a concordance of Cat. Recueil 4—6 P. See Pap. E et P. I, Die Demotischen Inschriften, ed. II, Die Demotischen Papyrus, ed. Part 1, Text. Part 2, Plates. Stelae etc. An expanded and corrected text of no. III pp. Part 1, The Text , ed. Riad and J. Shelton; Part 2, Commentary and Indexes, ed. Bonn — II , ed. El-Maghrabi and C. Monuments see O. Bruxelles GO] p. Fouad V. Frandsen with contributions by K. Zauzich, W. Tait and M.

Carsten Niebuhr Institute. Publications Frandsen and K. Ryholt with contributions by J. Quack, K. Ryholt, M. Smith, W. Tait, K. Carsten Niebuhr Institute Publications Carsten Niebuhr Publications Carlsberg , ed. I, Traduction et commentaire philologique. II, Transcriptions, published by F. Westermann and E. Westermann, C. Keyes, and H. Day and C. Westermann and A. Improved text ed.

Youtie and A. Bagnall and N. Stock Image. Published by William Heinemann, Used Condition: Very Good Hardcover. Save for Later. About this Item pp including index. Loeb Classical Library no Bookseller Inventory Store Description We have been trading from this address for more than 30 years in our shop which carries a wide range of secondhand books, CDs, vinyl, DVDs, prints, posters, ephemera and collectables. We are open Thursday, Friday and Saturday from 10am to 5pm. He exhorted them to entrust the public business to all who had ability both to understand and to act, and never to let it depend on any one person ; in this way no one would set his mind on a tyranny, nor would the State, on the other hand, go to ruin if one man fell.

He advised them to be satisfied with their present possessions and under no conditions to wish to increase the empire to any greater dimensions. It would be hard to guard, he said, and this would lead to danger of their losing what was already theirs. This principle he had really always followed himself not only in speech but also in action ; at any rate he might have made great acquisitions from the barbarian world, but he had not wished to do so.

These, then, were his injunctions. Then came his funeral. There was a couch made of ivory and gold and adorned with coverings of purple and gold. In it his body was hidden, in a collin down below ; but a wax image of him in triumphal garb was visible. Kai Tt? By] rrapapvOelrai pe ore Trap' vplv toi? Behind these a. An image of Pompey the Great was also seen, and all the nations he had acquired, each represented by a likeness which bore some local characteristic, appeared in the procession.

After these followed all the other objeets mentioned above. When the couch had been placed in full view on the rostra of the orators, Drusus read something from that place ; and from the other rostra, that is the Julian, Tiberius delivered the following public address over the deceased, in pursuance of a decree : " The words which required to be spoken in a privatecapacitv by relativesovcr the Deified Augustus, Drusus has spoken.

But the senate has wisely held him to be worthy of some kind of public eulogy as well ; and while I recognize that the speed was fittingly entrusted to me for to whom more justly than to me, his sou and successor, could the duty of praising him be entrusted? Indeed, if I were going to speak in the presence of strangers, I should be greatly concerned lest in following my speech they should believe his deeds to be no better than my account of them. Kal yap rovro ev rwv p.

For you will judge of his excellence, not from what I may say, but from what you yourselves know, and you will come to the aid of my discourse, supplying what is deficient by your memory of the events. Hence, in this respect also, his eulogy will be a public one, rendered by us all, as I, like the leader of a chorus, merely give out the leading words, while you join in and chant the rest. For of this I assuredly am not afraid — either that you will find it a weakness in me that I am unable to attain to your desires, or that you youi selves will be jealous of one whose virtue so far surpassed your own.

For who does not realize that not all mankind assembled together could worthily sound his praises, and that you all of your own free will yield to him his triumphs, feeling no envy at the thought that not one of you could equal him, but rather rejoicing in the very fact of his surpassing greatness? For the greater he appears in comparison with you, the greater will seem the benefits which you "have enjoyed, so that rancour will not be engendered in you because of vour inferiority to him, but rather pride because of the blessings you have received at his hands. Yet what deed like this can be cited of Alexander of Macedon or of our own Romulus, who perhaps above all others arc thought to have performed some notable exploit in youth?

But these men I shall pass over, lest from merely comparing them with him and using them as examples — and that among you who know them as well as I — I may be thought to be detracting from the virtues of Augustus. With Hercules alone and his exploits I might compare him, and should be thought justified in so doing, if that were all ; but even so I should fall short of my purpose, in so far as Hercules in childhood only dealt with serpents, and when a man, with a stag or two and a boar which he killed, — oh, yes, and a lion, to be sure, albeit reluctantly and at somebody's behest ; whereas Augustus, not among beasts, but among men, of his own free will, by waging war and enacting laws, literally saved the commonwealth and gained splendid renown for himself.

Therefore it was, that in recognition of these services you chose him praetor and appointed him consul at an age when some are unwilling to serve even as common soldiers. Soon afterwards, seeing that the largest and best element of the people and of the senate was in 8! Kal to. For he first attached to himself the powerful leaders who were menacing the very existence of the city, and with them fought the others until he had made an end of them ; and when these were out ot the way, he in turn freed us from the former.

He chose, though against his will, to surrender a few to their wrath so that he might save the majority, and he chose to assume a friendly attitude towards each ot them in turn so as not to have to fight with them all at once. From all this he derived no personal gain, but aided us all in a signal manner.

And yet win- should one dwell on his exploits in the wars, whether civil or foreign, especially when the former ought never to have occurred at all, and the latter by the conquests gained show the benefits they brought better than any words can tell? Moreover, since these exploits depended largely upon chance and their success was due to the aid of many citizens and many allies, he must share with them the credit for thi'in, and these achievements might possibly be com- pared with the exploits of some other men. These, accordingly, I shall omit; for they are described and depicted in many a book and painting, so that yon c;m both read and behold them.

For the recounting of them will not only confer upon him a unique glory, but will also si lord the older men among you a pleasure un- alloyed while giving the younger men most excellent instruction in the character and constitution of our government. Not to recount them all, who docs not know about Sosius, about Scaurus, the brother of Sextus, and particularly about Lcpidus, who lived so long a time after his defeat and continued to be high priest throughout his whole life?

Again, though he honoured his companions in arms with manv great gifts, he did not permit them to indulge in any arrogant or wanton behaviour. Hut, indeed, you know full well the various men in this category, especially Maecenas and Agrippa, so that in their case also 1 may omit the enumeration. These two qualities Augustus possessed which were never united in any other one man.

For example, Sulla and a. I'ompey and Caesar refrained in general from such hatred, yet per- mitted their friends to do not a few things that were contrary to their own principles. But this man so comhined and fused the two qualities, that to his adversaries he made defeat seem victory, and to his comrades in arms proved that virtue is blest by fortune. Never- theless, he refused ; and like a good physician, who takes in hand a disease-ridden body and heals it, he first restored to health and then gave back to you the whole body politic. The significance of this act you mav judge best by recalling that our fathers praised I'ompev and the Metellus whoflonrished at that time 1 because thev voluntarily disbanded the forces with which they had waged war; for if they, who possessed only a small force gathered for the occasion, and, besides, were confronted by rivals who would not allow them to do otherwise, acted thus and received praise for doing so, how could one 1.

Roman History: Volume 7 (Loeb Classical Library)

He is described as I'onipey's contemporary in order to distinguish him from the many other famous Metelli. Avyovcrrov i p. TroXireias dtyOovcos diro- Xaveiv, Tat? And when you had thus proved him far better than before, you compelled him for a second, a third, a fourth, and a fifth time to continue in the management of affairs. And this was but fitting ; for who would not choose to be safe without trouble, to be prosperous without danger, to enjoy without stint the blessings of government while escaping the life of constant anxiety for its maintenance?

From the people lie transferred matters diflicult of decision to the strict jurisdiction of the courts, but preserved to them the dignity of the elections; and at these elections he inculcated in the citizens the love of honour rather than the love of party strife, and eliminating the clement of greed from their ofliee-seeking, he put in its place the regard for reputation.

His own wealth, which he enhanced by sober living, he spent for the public needs; with the public funds he was as careful as if they were his own, but would not touch them as belonging to others. He repaired all the public works that had suffered injury, but deprived none of the original builders of the glory of their founding, lie also erected many new buildings, some in his own name and some in others', or else permitted these others to erect them, constantly having an eve to the public good, but grudging no one the private fame attaching to these services.

Those who had traits of excellence he ungrudgingly allowed to approach his own standard, but he did not try to censor those whose standards of life were different. In fact, even in the case of sueh as conspired against him, he punished only those whose lives would have been of no profit even to themselves, while he treated the rest in sueh a way that for years afterward they could find no pretext true or false for attacking him. That he was, indeed, conspired against at times is not surprising, for even the gods do not please all alike ; but the excellence of good rulers is discerned, not in the villainies of others, but in their own good deeds.

Furthermore, I know well that though vou will have heard from me only these few facts, yet they will lead you to recall in your own minds all the' rest, so that you will feel that I have in a manner related those also. For neither I, in what 1 have said about him. Yet how can one refrain from mentioning his senators? Mow can one refrain from mentioning the Roman people at large?


For them he provided publie works, largesses, games, festivals, amnesty, food in abund- ance, and safetv, not only from the enemy and from evildoers, but even from the acts of Heaven, both those that befall by day and those also that befall by night. There are, again, the allies: for them he freed their liberty of its dangers and their alliance of its costs. There are the subject nations also: no one of them was ever treated with insolence or abuse. How could one forget to mention a man who in private life was poor, in public life rich ; who with himself was frugal, but towards others lavish of his means; who always endured every toil and danger himself on your behalf, but would not inflict upon von the hardship of so much as escorting him when he left the city or of meeting him when lie returned ; who on holidays admitted even the populace to his house, but on other days greeted even the senate only in its chamber?

Or his rewards offered to those who married and had children? Or the prizes given to the soldiers without injury to anyone else t Or, again, shall I not tell how satisfied he was with our possessions acquired once for all under the compulsion of necessity, but refused to subjugate additional territory, the acquisition of which might, while seeming to give us a wider sway, have entailed the loss of even what we had?

Or how he always shared the joys and sorrows, the jests and earnest- ness of his intimate friends, and allowed all, in a word, who could make any useful suggestion to speak their minds freely?

Chandler, Richard. 1738-1810: Marmora oxoniensia.. Oxonii 1763.

Or how he praised those who spoke the truth, but hated flatterers? Or how he bestowed upon many people large sums from his own means, and how, when anything was bequeathed to him by men who had children, he restored it all to the children? Coidd a speaker's forgetfulness cause all these things to be blotted out? Hence it is fitting also that we should not mourn for him, but that, while we now at last give his bodv back to Nature, we should glorify his spirit, as that of a god, for ever.

After- wards the same men as before took up the couch and carried it through the triumphal gateway, according to a decree of the senate. When the body had been placed on the pyre in the Campus Martius, all the priests inarched round it first; and then the knights, not only those belonging to the equestrian order but the others 1 as well, and the infantry from the garrison ran round it; and thev cast upon it all the triumphal decorations that any of them had ever received from him for any deed of valour.

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Next the centurions took torches, conformably to a decree of the senate, and lighted the pyre from beneath. So it was consumed, and an eagle released from it Hew aloft, appearing to bear his spirit to heaven. When these ceremonies had been performed, all the other people departed; but Livia remained on the spot for five days in company with the most prominent knights, and then gathered up his bones and placed them in his tomb.

The mourning required by law was observed only for a few days by the men, but for a whole year by the women, in accordance with a decree. Heal grief was not in the hearts of many at the time, but later was felt by all. For Augustus had been acces- sible to all alike and was accustomed to aid many persons in the matter of money. He showed great honour to his friends, and delighted exceedingly when they frankly spoke their opinions.

One in- stance, in addition to those already related, occurred in the case of Athenodorus. This man was once brought into his room in a covered litter, as if he 1 1. I Vir. Be- sides these traits of his, people also recalled that he did not get blindly enraged at those who had injured him, and that he kept faith even with those who were unworthy of it. For instance, there was a robber named Corocotta, who flourished in Spain, at whom lie was so angry at first that he offered a million sesterces to the man that should capture him alive ; but later, when the robber came to him of his own accord, he not only did him no harm, but actually made him richer by the amount of the reward.

Not alone for these reasons did the Romans greatly miss him, but also because by combining monarch v with dcmocracv he preserved their free- dom for them and at the same time established order and security, so that they were free alike from the license of a democracy and from the insolence of a tyranny, living at once in a liberty of moderation and in a monarchy without terrors ; they were subjects of royalty, yet not slaves, and citizens of a democracy, vet without discoid.

If any of them remembered his former deeds in the course of the civil wars, they attributed them to the pressure of circumstances, and they thought it fair to seek for his real disposition in what he did after he was in undisputed possession of the supreme power; for this afforded in truth a mighty contrast. There- fore, even if an occasional deed of violence did occur, as is apt to happen in extraordinary situations, one might more justly blame the circumstances themselves than him.

Now not the least factor in his glory was the length of his reign. For the majority as well as the more powerful of those who had lived under the republic were now dead, and the later generation, knowing naught of that form of government and having been reared entirely' or largely under existing conditions, were not only not displeased with them, famili;ir as they now were, but actually took delight in them, since they saw that their present state was better and more free from terror than that of which they knew by tradition.

Though the people understood all this during his lifetime, they nevertheless realized it more fully after he was gone; for human nature is so consti- tuted that in good fortune it does not so fully per- ceive its happiness as it misses it when misfortune has come. This is what happened at that time in the case of Augustus. For when they found his successor Tiberius a different sort of man, they yearned for him who was gone. Indeed, it was possible at once for people of any intelligence to foresee the change in conditions. At all events, the two emperors differed so completely from each other, that some suspected that Augustus, with full knowledge of Tiberius' character, had purposely appointed him his successor that his own glory might be enhanced thereby.

Now these rumours began to be current at a later date. At the time they declared Augustus immortal, assigned to him priests 1 and sacred rites, and made Livia, who was already called Julia and Augusta, his priestess; they also permitted her to employ a lietor when she exercised her sacred office. On her part, she bestowed a million sesterces upon a certain Numerius Atticus, a senator and ex-praetor, because he swore that he had seen Augustus ascending to heaven after the manner of which tradition tells concerning l'roculus and Romulus.

A shrine voted by the senate and built by Livia and Tiberius was erected to the dead emperor in Rome, and others in many different places, some of the communities voluntarily building them and others unwillingly. Also the house at Nola where he passed away was dedicated to him as a preeiuct. While his shrine was being erected in Rome, they placed a golden image of him on a couch in the temple of Mars, and to this they paid all the honours that they were afterwards to give to his statue.

Other votes in regard to him were, that his image should not be borne in pro cession at anybody's funeral, that the consuls should celebrate his birthday with games like the Ludi 1 The SoilitlfS AugxistaUx. J 'Apt lots lU'im. These officials conducted everything in the customary manner — even wearing the triumphal garb at the horse-race — except that they did not ride in the chariot. Besides this, Livia held a private festival in his honour for three days in the palace, and this ceremony is still continued down to the present day by whoever is emperor.

Such were the decrees passed in memory of Augustus, nominally by the senate, but actually by Tiberius and Livia. For when some men proposed one thing and some another, the senate decreed that Tiberius should receive suggestions in writing from its members and then select whichever he chose. I have added the name of Livia because she, too, took a share in the proceedings, as if she possessed full powers. Meanwhile the populace fell to rioting, because at the Augnstalia one of the actors would not enter the theatre for the stipulated pay; and they did not cease their disturbance, until the tribunes convened the senate that very day and begged it to permit them to spend more than the legal amount.

Here ends my account of Augustus. He was so greatly beloved by everybody that a eertain man, when he came to die, bade his heirs offer sacrifices because he left Augustus still living. He had won the affection of all his subjects to such a degree that a certain Roman, when about to leave this life, instructed his sons and successors to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving to the gods, because, as he said, he left Augustus still living.

Having been unfortunate in his marriage and in the fate of his children, he used to cry : "Oh, would that I ne'er had wed, and would I had childless died! He was so punctilious about correct spelling that he actually cashiered one of the governors because that official in writing to him had misspelled a word. Since their exact places in Dio's aecount of Augustus are uncertain, I'oissevain places them together at this point. Tltpl Tifiip'tov. Stoti'Aios T. Aifinjv T.

27. The Roman Empire and Nebuchadnezzar's Vision

Wofiirlvius A. Kalaap Avyovarov vl. Nu-pfiavbs T. Ka7cap kbyovcnov vl. Saj 10 U7r T. OiWcAAios 12 T. AevTovAos 1 vtt. How Drusus Caesar died chap. Duration of time, eleven years, in which there were the magistrates consuls here enumerated: — a. Norbanus C. Sisenna Taurus, L. Seribonius L. Caecilius C. Nepos [or 1 ] Rufus, L. Pompomus L. Caesar Augusti f. Iunius M. Silanus, C. Flaccus [ur l ] Hal bus. Valerius M.

Messalla, M. Aurelius M. IV , Urusus lulius Ti. Agrippa, C. Sulpicius Serg. Gall a. Asinius C f. Aiitistius C. Cethegus, L. Yisellius C. Asinius C. Agrippa, Cossus Cornelius Cossi t. Ste] ll , yaKovas M. Kyckius, A. He never let what he desired appear in his conversation, and what he said he wanted he usually did not desire at all. On the contrary, his words indicated the exact opposite of his real purpose ; he denied all interest in what he longed for, and urged the elaims of what he hated. He would exhibit anger over matters that were very far from arousing his wrath, and make a show of affability where he was most vexed.

He would pretend to pitv those whom he severely punished, and would retain a grudge against those whom he pardoned. Sometimes he would regard his bitterest foe as if he were his most intimate companion, and again he would treat his dearest friend like the veriest stranger. In short, he thought it bad policy for the sovereign to reveal his thoughts ; this was often the cause, he said, of great failures, whereas by the opposite course far more and greater suc- cesses were attained.

Now if he had merely followed this method quite consistently, it would have been easy for those who had once come to know him to be on their guard against him ; for they would have taken everything by exact contraries, regarding his seeming indifference to anything as equivalent to his ardently desiring it, and his eagerness for anything as equivalent to his not caring for it. But, as it was, he became angry if anyone gave evidence of under- standing him, and he put many to death for no other offence than that of having comprehended him.

Practically the only sort of man, therefore, that could maintain himself, — and such persons were verv rare, — was one who neither misunderstood his nature nor exposed it to others; for under these conditions men were neither deceived by believing him nor hated for showing that they understood his motives. It was due to this characteristic, that, as emperor, he immediately sent a dispatch from Nola to all the legions and provinces, though he did not claim to be emperor ; for he would not accept this name, which was voted to him along with the others, and though taking the inheritance left him by Augustus, he would not adopt the title "Augustus.

When somebody thereupon facetiously proposed that he be given a guard, as if he had none, he saw through the man's irony and answered: ''The soldiers do not belong to me, hut to the State. At first he kept saying lie would give up the rule entirely on account of his age he was fifty-six and of his near-sightedness for although he saw extremely well in the dark, his sight was very poor in the day- time ; hut later he asked for some associates and eolleagues, though not with the intention that they should jointly rule the whole empire, as in an oligarchy, hut rather dividing it into three parts, one of which he would retain himself, while giving up the remaining two to others.

One of these portions consisted of Rome and the rest of Italy, the second of the legions, and the third of the subject peoples outside.

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When now he became very urgent, most of the senators still opposed his expressed purpose, and begged him to govern the whole realm ; but Asinius Gallus, who always employed the blunt speech of his father more than was good for him, replied : "Choose whichever portion you wish. For Gallus had married the former wife of Ti- berius and claimed Drusus as his son, and he was con- sequently hated by theother even before this incident.

For he had previously made sure of the soldiers in Italy by means of the oaths of allegiance established by Augustus ; but as he was suspicious of the others, he was ready for either alternative, intending to save himself by retiring to private life in case the legions should revolt and prevail.

For tli is reason he often feigned illness and remained at home, so as not to be compelled to say or do any- thing definite. I have even heard that when it began to be said that Livia had secured the rule for him contrary to the will of Augustus, he took steps to let it appear that he had not received it from her, whom he cordially hated, but under compulsion from the senators by reason of his surpassing' them in excellence. Another story I have heard is to the effect that when he saw that people were cool toward him, he waited and delayed until he had become complete master of the empire, lest in the hope of his voluntarily resigning it they should rebel before he was ready for them.

Still, I do not mean to record these stories as giving the true causes of his behaviour, which was due rather to his regular disposition and to the unrest among the soldiers. This rival, then, he got rid of at once, but of Gennanicus he stood in great fear. For the troops in Pannonia had mutinied as soon as they learned of the death of Augustus, and coming together into one camp and strengthening it, they committed many rebellious acts. Among other things they attempted to kill their commander, Junius Blaesus, and arrested and tortured his slaves.

Their demands were, in brief, that their term of service should be limited to sixteen years, that they should be paid a denarius per day, and that they should receive their prizes then and there in the camp ; and they threatened, in case thev did not obtain these demands, to cause the province to revolt and then to march upon Home. However, they were at this time finally and with no little difficulty won over by Blaesus, and sent envoys to Tiberius at Rome in their behalf ; for they hoped in connexion with the change in the government to gain all their desires, either by frightening Tiberius or by giving the supreme power to another.

But when the moon suffered a. Meanwhile a great storm came up ; and when in consequence all had retired to their own quarters, the boldest spirits were put out of the way in one manner or another, either by Drusus himself in his own tent, whither they had been summoned as if for some other purpose, or else bv his followers; and the rest were reduced to submission, and even surren- dered for punishment some of their number whom they represented to have been responsible for the mutiny. These troops, then, were reduced to quiet in the manner described ; but the soldiers in the province of Germany, where many had been assembled on account of the war, would not hear of moderation, since they saw that Gcrmanieus was at once a Caesar and far superior to Tiberius, but putting for- ward the same demands as the others, tjiey heaped abuse upon Tiberius and saluted Germanicus as emperor.

When the latter after much pleading found himself unable to reduce them to order, he finally drew his sword as if to slay himself; at this they jeeringly shouted their approval, and one of them proffered his own sword, saying : " Take this ; this is sharper. In- stead, he composed a letter purporting to have been sent by Tiberius and then gave them twice the uuiount of the gift bequeathed thein by Augustus, VOL. Augustus had enrolled as an extra force after the disaster to Varus. As a result of this they ceased ' their seditious behaviour for the time.

Later on came senators as envoys from Tiberius, to whom he had secretly communicated only so much as he wished Germanicus to know ; for he well understood that they would surely tell Germanicus all his own plans, and he did not wish that either they or that leader should busy themselves about anything beyond the instructions given, which were supposed to comprise everything. Now when these men arrived and the soldiers learned about the ruse of Germanicus, they suspected that the senators had come to overthrow their leader's measures, and so they fell to rioting once more. They almost killed some of the envoys and became very insistent with Germanicus, even seizing his wife Agrippina and his son, both of whom had been sent away by him to some place of refuge.

Agrippina was the daughter of Agrippa and Julia, Augustus' daughter; the boy Gains was called bv them Caligula, because, having been reared largely in the camp, he wore military boots 1 instead of the sandals usual in the city. Then at Germanicus' request they released Agrippina, who was preg- nant, but retained Gains.

On this occasion, also, as they accomplished nothing, they grew piiet after a time. In fact, they experienced such a change of heart that of their own accord they arrested the boldest of their number, putting some of them to 1 Culiijae. Kal 3 rd arparevpara dvijprijpevo. But Germanicns, being afraid even so that they would fall to rioting again, invaded the enemy's country and tarried there, giving the troops plenty of work and food in abundance at the expense of aliens. Thus, though Gcrmanicus might have obtained the imperial power, — for he had the good will of absolutely all the Romans as well as of their sub- jects, — he refused it.

For this Tiberius praised him and sent many pleasing messages both to him and to Agrippina ; and yet he was not pleased with his conduct, but feared him all the more because he had won the attachment of the legions. For he assumed, from his own consciousness of saying one tiling and doing another, that Germanicns' real sentiments were not what they seemed, and hence he was suspicious of Gennanicus and suspicious like- wise of his wife, who was possessed of an ambition commensurate with her lofty lineage. Yet he dis- played no sign of irritation toward them, but delivered many eulogies of Germanicns in the senate and also proposed that sacrifices should be offered in honour of the achievements of Germanicns just as in the case of those of Drusns.

Also he bestowed upon the soldiers in l'annonia the same rewards as Germanicns had granted to his troops For the future, however, he refused to release soldiers in the service outside of Italy until they had served the full twenty years. He did little or nothing on his own responsibility, but brought all matters, even the slightest, before the senate and communi- cated them to that body. In the Forum a tribunal had been ereeted on which he sat in public to dis- pense justice, and he always associated with himself advisers, after the manner of Augustus; nor did he take any step of consequence without making it known to the rest.

After setting forth his own opinion he not only granted everyone full liberty to speak against it, but even when, as sometimes happened, others voted in opposition to him, he submitted; for he often would east a vote himself. Drusus used to act just like the rest, now speaking first, and again after some of the others. As for Tiberius, he would sometimes remain silent and sometimes give his opinion first, or after a few others, or even last ; in some eases lie would speak his mind directly, but generally, in order to avoid appearing to take away their freedom of speech, he would sav : "If 1 had been giving my views, 1 should have proposed this or that.

On the contrary, he would frequently express one opinion and those who followed would prefer some- thing different, and sometimes they actually pre- vailed ; yet for all that he harboured anger against no one. Kal ovto ye Bia. He would allow them to sit in their regular places, while he himself took his seat on the bench facing them and as an assessor made any remarks that seemed good to him.

In all other matters, too, he behaved in this same way. Thus, he would not allow himself to be ealled master by the freemen, nor imperalor except bv the soldiers ; the title of Father of his Country he rejected absolutely; that of Augustus he did not assume, — in fact he never permitted it to be even voted to him, — but he did not object to hearing it spoken or to reading it when written, and whenever he sent messages to kings, he would regularly include this title in his letters.

In general he was ealled Caesar, sometimes Germanicus from the exploits of Ger- manicns , and Chief of the Senate, 1 — the last in accordance with ancient usage and even bv himself. He would often declare : " I am master of the slaves, imperalor of the soldiers, and ehief of the rest. And he was so democratic in all circumstances alike, that he would not permit any special observance to be made of his birthday and would not allow people to swear by his Fortune, and if anybody after swearing bv it incurred the eharge of perjury, he would not prosecute him.

Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX] Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]
Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX] Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]
Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX] Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]
Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX] Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]
Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX] Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]
Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX] Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]

Related Dios Roman history. / VII, [Books LVI-LX]

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